This article is about the characteristics of the Psalters used in the Dutch Reformed churches from the middle of the sixteenth century until the synod of Dort in 1618.

Source: Clarion, 2003. 5 pages.

The First Psalters in the Dutch Reformed Churches

1. Introduction🔗

It is the purpose of this article to describe the psalters used in the Dutch Reformed churches from the middle of the sixteenth century until the synod of Dort in 1618. We shall relate the characteristics of a few, commonly used psalters, and the decisions of the broader assemblies pertaining to the use of the psalter in the public worship services. In so doing we hope to illustrate the origins of some of the practices that are still followed today.

2. The Souterliedekens🔗

The first significant Dutch language psalter was published in 1540, and it bore the title Souterliedekens, or “Psalter-songs.” While the author remained anonymous, it is believed that a Dutch nobleman by the name of Willem van Zuylen van Nyevelt provided the versification. It contained the 150 Psalms of David and fifteen canticles, including the Song of Hannah (1 Samuel 2:1-10), the Prayer of Habakkuk (Habakkuk 3:1-19), and the Song of Moses (Deuteronomy 32:1-43). It was written in contemporary Dutch, and not Latin, so that for the first time the people of the lowlands were able to hear, understand, and sing the Psalms of David in their native tongue. The melodies were drawn from familiar folksongs, including children’s songs, hunting tunes and drinking songs of Germanic and French origin. Thus the psalms could be sung in private and in public without drawing the attention of the Romanist inquisitors, whose ears were sensitive to songs of religious and political dissent.

The prologue of the psalter states that the purpose of its publication is to provide a Christian alternative to the bawdy, indecent songs that were popular at the time. The reader is told that wherever he may be, whether at work in the field, travelling, in God-fearing company, or at table, he may magnify the name of the Lord in song. Students of the Souterliedekens have debated whether the psalter is of Roman Catholic or Protestant origin. Especially the inclusion of “Ave Maria” may lead one to think that the author was Romanist. On careful inspection, however, the evidence points to a Protestant author who was wary of the anti-protestant government over the lowlands, and who did not wish the psalter to appear revolutionary. The statement in the prologue that the words of the biblical text are rendered as closely as is possible suggests reformed authorship, as fidelity to Scripture was a claim common to the leaders of the Reformed faith. There are other indications in the text and in some of the melodies that suggest broadly reformed influences.

The Souterliedekens were very popular throughout the lowlands, enjoying some thirty reprints. Even when the Dutch Reformed churches were being formed in the late 1560s and another edition was adopted officially, the Souterliedekens continued to be sung. Evidently they appealed to a broad spectrum of people, and filled a gap in the religious life of the Dutch. Not intended for use at public gatherings, the Souterliedekens functioned in the context of personal and familial devotions.

Whereas the Souterliedekens have made no direct lasting imprint upon the psalm-singing of Reformed churches of Dutch background, they occupy an important place in their history. They represent an independent psalmody of distinctly Dutch origin, one which was not affected much by the developments in other countries. Moreover, they were of great use to the people of the Netherlands at a critical time in the gestation of the Reformed churches there. They provided a source of comfort in times of persecution, and instilled in the Dutch an appreciation of the relevance of the psalms for every circumstance of life.

3. The Dutch Psalter of Jan Utenhove🔗

Political and religious suppression of Reformed believers in the lowlands towards the end of the 1540s resulted in the establishment of Dutch-speaking Reformed congregations first beyond the lowlands, especially in Germany and England. During the reign of young Edward VI, England was a haven for Reformed believers driven from their native lands. The Dutch-speaking Strangers Churches, as the English called them, were served by several leaders, including John à Lasco, Marten Micronius, and Jan Utenhove. Utenhove was a well-educated elder who published a Dutch translation of a confession, church order, and psalter for the congregations in and around London. Thanks to his contacts with such reformers as Martin Bucer, Utenhove was able to infuse Reformed principles in the psalter.

For the corporate worship of the Strangers Churches the Souterliedekens were deemed inadequate. Apparently their worldly melodies were not sufficiently majestic and dignified. Utenhove also wished to replace the everyday language of the Souterliedekens with a literary, poetic rendering. Moreover, the London leaders wished to produce a psalter that was explicitly reformed. Thus the influence of Martin Bucer’s commentaries on the text of the Old Testament Psalms can be seen in Utenhove’s translation. The psalter also reveals traces of Calvinist interpretation of Scripture. The Genevan reformer’s principle that the text of songs sung during worship services should be from the Bible affected Utenhove, who permitted only a few hymns. For the melodies and metrical patterns he relied upon Lutheran songbooks, but with each new edition incorporated more Genevan tunes.

The first Dutch psalter for the London churches appeared in 1551. It was a small collection of ten psalms and two hymns, entitled Eenighe Psalmen (“a Few Psalms”). These were chosen carefully to promote the liturgy of the Reformed worship services of the refugee churches. Besides versifications of the Lord’s Prayer and the Apostles’ Creed, which had their proper place in the Sunday services, the booklet included the following Psalms: 1, 2, 3, 51, 103, 120, 124, 125, 127, 130. At first glance this selection appears random, but further examination reveals that each psalm contributed to the liturgy. Psalm One functioned in the believers’ response to the reading of the Law, while Psalm Fifty-one was sung as a public confession of sin by the congregation.

When we recall that the refugee churches consisted of mainland Europeans living in exile from regions where the Reformed faith was being persecuted, we appreciate the inclusion of three psalms which express petitions in time of oppression (Psalm 2, 3, 120), as well as comfort in distress (Psalm 125) and thanks for deliverance (Psalm 124). Psalm 127 was sung at marriage ceremonies (commonly appended to the worship service), while Psalm 130 was sung at funerals. Psalm 103, a song of general praise to the covenant God, completed the singing repertoire of the liturgy. Though modest, this selection reflects the conviction that corporate singing is an integral part of the worship service.

The close involvement of the congregation in the liturgy is conveyed also by the summaries, called argumenta, which preceded each psalm. These summaries instructed believers in the content, context, and meaning of each psalm. They helped believers to sing with a greater understanding of the circumstances in which the poem was penned. Moreover, the summary often applied the psalm to the ministry or passion of the Lord Jesus Christ, thus illustrating the place of the psalm in the history of redemption and revelation. The summary especially applied the psalm to the new testament church, so that believers could see the relevance of it to their own circumstances. The following summary of Psalm 83 is illustrative:

David desires the assistance of God against the surrounding uncircumcised nations, which constantly sought to destroy Jerusalem and the congregations of God; this psalm is also a prayer of Christians, against all tyrants and the gates of Hell, which seek to overpower the church of Christ.

In the twenty-first century, when some churchgoers may question the value of singing the Psalms of David, Reformed churches might consider restoring such instructive summaries.

Yet another indication that the psalter used by the Dutch Reformed churches in England was central to the liturgy is the inclusion of the song of prayer before the sermon, first printed in the 1556 edition, which had been expanded to twenty-five psalms. This hymn was not based directly upon a passage of Scripture, but upon the Reformed understanding of the proclamation of the gospel, which requires the illumination of the Holy Spirit. In singing this petition, the believers ask God to open the mouth of the preacher, the ears of the hearers, and the hearts of all to receive His Word. The hymn, composed by Utenhove, became a hallmark of the Reformed churches, and was included in numerous later editions, until well into the nineteenth century.

We should not underestimate the importance of Utenhove’s contribution to the development of the psalters of the Dutch Reformed churches. For his translation was employed not only in the refugee churches in and around London during the 1550s, but also in Emden, Frankfurt, and other places to which the congregations moved when Mary Tudor banned the Strangers Churches in 1553. Thus the psalter was disseminated in the Netherlands, Germany and France, and continued to be used in the worship services, so that several of its features were assumed in the practices of the Dutch Reformed churches on the mainland. Utenhove’s translation contributed to the development of the syllabic style of versification, according to which each syllable receives a single note. The result was an emphasis upon simplicity and clarity; the unison of the congregation was expressed also by the single melody and non-antiphonal arrangements. These characteristics were destined to mark the Dutch Reformed psalmodies for generations to come.

Of greater importance, perhaps, is the fact that the integral role of the psalter in the liturgy of the London churches was adopted by the churches in the lowlands. Indeed, it was Utenhove’s edition which first combined the psalms and hymns with public prayers, catechism, forms for the sacraments and church order. In this way the psalter became a required book for every believer attending the Sunday worship services. During those services corporate psalm-singing followed the law, preceded the proclamation of the gospel, and attended the administration of baptism and the participation in the Lord’s Supper. Also in the execution of church discipline, psalm-singing played a role, as the congregation would humble itself in song and prayer. In this way the early Dutch Reformed churches made psalm-singing a key feature of the liturgy.

For several reasons, however, Utenhove’s edition declined in use. While it avoided dialects and vulgar phrases, the versification used a literary style that was too high for popular liking. Church leaders thought that a version using simpler language was more desirable. In 1565 a different translation of thirty-seven psalms, using the melodies of the Genevan psalter, was offered to the public by Lucas de Heere. Furthermore, the Genevan Psalter itself was being spread throughout Europe. Although the definitive, complete edition of Utenhove’s versification appeared in 1566, Utenhove, who was its greatest proponent, passed away in the same year.

4. Petrus Datheen and the Psalmen Davids🔗

Petrus Datheen lived in London during the 1550s, and was a member of the Strangers Churches there. Following the accession of Mary Tudor he moved to the mainland, and settled in Frankfurt in 1555, where he served as pastor; thereafter he moved to Heidelberg, and later the Netherlands, where he served the growing churches in various ways. In 1566 he published the first edition of De Psalmen Davids (“The Psalms of David”), a Dutch translation of the text of the Genevan Psalter (1562). The immediate success of this edition is shown by the fact that it was reprinted five times in the first year.

There are several reasons why Datheen felt compelled to offer a new psalter. Apparently he was dissatisfied with Utenhove’s versification on the grounds that it was too literary and highly poetic. Datheen wished for a rendering of the psalms that was accessible to the common, uneducated person. Therefore he did not seek to convey the poetic qualities of the Hebrew or French text; rather, he aimed for a simple translation using common words. Evidently Datheen succeeded, for critics of later generations charged the text with being more suited to the yard of the farm than the yard of the church!

Another reason Datheen translated the Genevan Psalter was to provide the churches with a psalter that could be used during the worship services secretly held during the time of persecution in the 1560s. The psalms would provide a vehicle for expressing the prayers, lamentations, and praise of the churches “under the cross.” The preface to Datheen’s translation states that the songbook, with its biblical text, provides “words whereby the heart would be raised heavenward, and be strengthened in faith, righteousness and patience.” With all the members of the catholic church, which includes Jonah, the friends of Daniel, and David in midst of trouble, Christians may employ the psalms in time of difficulty. Like the Lord Jesus himself, from whose mouth the Psalms were cited frequently and especially towards the end of his life on earth, the believer of the second dispensation may use the psalms in times of greatest hardship.

A third, more ambitious purpose for Datheen’s edition was to promote the unity of the fledgling federation of Reformed churches in the lowlands. Calvinism was on the rise, and the increasing differences between it and Lutheranism made Utenhove’s version less attractive. Datheen’s edition was more unified than Utenhove’s also in structure and meter; the collection represented a complete rendering of the French Genevan psalter. Even the text reflected the French (not Hebrew), including the content and number of each stanza. As a result, the accents and stresses on words sometimes conflicted with the rhythmic pattern of the French melodies, and weak syllables were accented. Judged by its own merits, then, the versification was not very good; later generations were to witness numerous attempts to improve Datheen’s version. The success of the edition rested on its admired origins in the work of the Genevans Beza, Marot, and Calvin, whose introduction to the Genevan Psalter was translated by Datheen and included in his Dutch edition. Like Utenhove’s edition, Datheen’s included the catechism, parts of the church order, and the public prayers. As a complete, Calvinist book of common worship, then, the edition met with approval. It would remain in use until the last decades of the eighteenth century, when it was determined to provide a new, state-sanctioned psalm-book (the Staatsberijming).

5. Decisions of the Early Dutch Reformed Churches🔗

As the Reformed faith was practiced more openly in the last years of the 1560s, the churches addressed the role of psalm-singing in the worship services. The first major gathering was the Convent of Wesel (1568), which resulted in a number of decisions. Article 31 concerned the singing of psalms and hymns. Though provisional in nature, the determination of synod was that “in ecclesiastical singing the psalms as versified by Petrus Datheen will be retained throughout all the churches in the lowlands, lest due to the variety of versions anything should be introduced that may be less suitable and less edifying.” Implicitly rejected in this decision was the versification of Utenhove. While some historians have stressed the role of Datheen himself – he was chair of the convent and the first signatory – the decision was no doubt that of the body as a whole. The convent decided also how the singing would be incorporated into the liturgy: by means of placards or boards the psalms would be announced, while it was left to the freedom of the churches whether singing would be in series, from Psalm 1-150, or according to the choice of the leader. Psalms were to be sung also before the worship services, to acquaint the members with them, and there is some evidence that “precentors” (lead singers) instructed the congregations in the melodies and texts.

The Synod of Dordt held in 1574 had to respond to the question whether it would be beneficial to introduce more hymns to the psalm-book. Article 43 records the decisions that until such time as the churches decided upon a definitive edition, only the psalms as put to verse by Datheen would be sung. Apparently in certain regions of the lowlands psalms and spiritual songs other than the ones rendered by Datheen were popular. Especially in some rural regions the farming families were partial to Lutheran songs, while in other areas the edition of Utenhove remained in use. Synod decided that for the sake of the unity of the churches a single psalm book should be used, and that individual consistories should not add hymns arbitrarily. The Synod of Middleburg in 1581 came back to this topic, and decided to not allow the singing of hymns which are not to be found in Scripture. Article 51 reads: “in the churches only the Psalms of David will be sung, while the hymns not found in Scripture will be omitted.” Exception was made for congregations in certain rural parts of the country where German spiritual songs were in vogue; Synod did not wish the matter to become a scandal.

As was noted above, Datheen’s versification was not without shortcomings and it met with various detractors. One notable attempt to displace his translation was by Philips van Marnix van St. Aldegonde, who translated directly from the Hebrew text of Psalms. The edition which appeared in 1580 employed the melodies of the Genevan psalter, in part because these were known throughout the lowlands at this time. It included the 150 psalms, as well as some hymns, such as the Ten Commandments, the Articles of Faith, and the Song of Simeon. Marnix aimed for a more singable translation, one that accounted for the relation between words and tone. By printing Calvin’s foreword at the front of his edition, Marnix competed with Datheen for respectability. Considerable effort was made to introduce this edition to the churches. However, the attempt was unsuccessful, for various reasons. These include church-political forces, and the fact that this versification did not appeal to all for literary and aesthetic reasons.

The Synod of Utrecht, held in 1612, permitted the publication of a psalter containing forty-eight hymns (for festive occasions, etc.), but this proposal was not widely implemented. The Great Synod of Dort (1618) was approached by the regional synods of three provinces to effect some unanimity concerning the singing of psalms and hymns, and had to make a more exact decision than previous assemblies. It upheld the criterion of Synod Middleburg (1581) that hymns of which the text was found in Scripture were acceptable, and permitted the inclusion the Song of Mary, the Lord’s Prayer, and four other hymns, in the book of praise. It was left to the freedom of the churches to use Utenhove’s prayer-song for the preaching of the gospel. It is interesting to note that practices in the churches reveal that the decision to include only hymns with biblical texts was not strictly applied, for – to give but one example – the “Evening prayer,” a Latin hymn ascribed to Ambrose, appears in later editions.

Thus it transpired that the versification of Datheen became the official psalter of the Dutch Reformed Churches. It would remain so until well into the eighteenth century, when the criticisms of Datheen’s version became stronger and greater in number. But it was not until 1773 that the States General determined to commission a new psalm-book. However, we shall leave that chapter in the history of the Reformed psalters for another time, as it deserves its own treatment.

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